Achaeans (Αχαιοί)

In Homer's Iliad, the Greek allied forces are described under three different names: Argives, Danaans, and Achaeans, and all with equal meaning. From the above the first is used 29 times, the second 138 and the third 598 times[1].

Argives is a political annotation drawn from the original capital of the Achaeans, Argos. Danaans is the name attributed to the tribe first dominating Peloponessus and the area nearby Argos. Achaeans is the name of the tribe that, reinforced by the Aeolians, first dominated Greek territories, centred around its capital in Mycenae.

Hellenes (Έλληνες)

During the Trojan War era, the Hellenes were a relatively small but vigorous tribe settled in Thessalic Phthia, centralized along the settlements of Alos, Alope, Trehine and Pelasgian Argos[2]. Various etymologies have been proposed for the word Hellene but none are widely accepted—Sal, to pray; ell, mountainous; sel, illuminate. A more recent study traces the name to a city named Hellas, next to the river Spercheus which also was called Hellas in antiquity[3]. However, it is known with certainty that the Hellenic race is linked with the Selli (Σελλοί), the high priests of Dodona in Epirus. Homer portrays Achilles praying to Dodonian Zeus as the ancestral god: "King Jove, he cried, lord of Dodona, god of the Pelasgi, who dwellest afar, you who hold wintry Dodona in your sway, where your prophets the Selli dwell around you with their feet unwashed and their couches made upon the ground[4]."

Ptolemy calls Epirus primordial Hellas[5] and Aristotle reports for the same region that an ancient cataclysm was most severe "in ancient Hellas, in between Dodona and the Achelous river [...], the land occupied by Seli and Graeci who later came to be known as Hellenes"[6]. The prospect, therefore, that Hellenes were a tribe from Epirus that later migrated southward to Phthia in Thessaly is a valid one. The extension of a particular cult of Zeus in Dodona (a tendency among the Greeks to form ever larger communities and amphctionies) and the increasing popularity of the Delphi cult caused the name to further extend to the rest of the peninsula, later cross the Aegean sea into Asia Minor, and eventually westwards again to Sicily and southern Italy, collectively known as Magna Graecia.

Hellenes in the wider meaning of the word appears in writing for the first time in an inscription by Echembrotus, dedicated to Heracles for his victory in the Amphictyonic Games,[7] and refers to the 48th Olympiad (584 BC). It appears it was introduced in the 8th century with the Olympic Games and permanently established itself by the 5th century. After the Greco-Persian Wars an inscription was written in Delphi celebrating victory over the Persians and praises Pausanias as the leading general of the Hellenes.[8] Awareness of a pan-Hellenic unity was promoted by religious festivals, most significantly in the Eleusinian Mysteries, in which prospective initiates had to speak Greek, and almost as importantly through participation in the four Panhellenic Games—including the Olympic Games— in which participants were recognized by tribal affiliation. Neither women nor non-Greeks were allowed to participate: the occasional exception in later times, such as that made for Emperor Nero, was a sure sign of Roman cultural hegemony.

The development of mythological genealogies of descent from eponymous founder-figures, long after the actual southward migration of the four tribal groups recognized by the Greeks affected how the identity of northern tribes was perceived. According to the most prevailing one, Hellen, son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, received from the nymph Orseis three sons, Aeolus, Dorus and Xuthus, each of which founded a primary tribe of Hellas;Aeolians, Dorians, Achaeans and Ionians. At the time of the Trojan War, the Epirotes, Molossians and Macedonians were not considered Hellenes, for the people so named were then limited to a small tribe in Thessaly of which Achilles was a member. After the name was extended to all peoples south of Olympus, however, it still left out those of common origin living in the north. One factor contributing to it was their refusal to participate in the Persian Wars, despite its being considered a vital affair for all Hellenes. Yet, prior to that, representatives of those very tribes had been accepted in the Olympic Games and competed alongside other Hellenes.[9] Thucydides calls the Acarnans, Aetolians[10], Epirotes[11] and Macedonians[12] barbarians, but does so in a strictly linguistic context. When Athenian orator Demosthenes called the Macedonians worse than barbarians, in his Third Philippic directed at Philip II of Macedon, he did so with respect to the culture they emitted as foreigners not adhering to proper Hellenic standards, and did not raise the issue of their origin: "not only no Greek, nor related to the Greeks, but not even a barbarian from any place that can be named with honors, but a pestilent knave from Macedonia, whence it was never yet possible to buy a decent slave." Polybius, on the other hand, regards the tribes of western Hellas, Epirus, and Macedonia as immiscibly Hellenic in every respect.[13]

Hellenes and Barbarians

In the following centuries, "Hellene" gained a wider meaning signifying all civilized people, with its opposite, "barbarian," representing the uncivilized.

The first thing the Greek tribes noticed was that they did not speak the same tongue as their neighbours, and that is essentially the original meaning of "βάρβαρος" (barbarian); foreign language speakers. (The term βάρβαρος is thought to be onomatopoeic in origin: "bar-bar"—i.e., stammering—may have been how the speech of foreign peoples sounded to Greek speakers.[14]) This is also true for the Egyptians, who according to Herodotus "named barbarians all those who spoke a different tongue".[15] and in later years for the Slavs, that ascribed to the Germans the name nemec which means stammerer.[16] Aristophanes in his play The Birds calls the illiterate supervisor a barbarian who nevertheless taught the birds how to talk.[17] The term eventually picked up a derogatory use extending itself to the entire lifestyle of foreigners. It has henceforth identified with the "illiterate" or uncivilized. Thus "an illiterate man is also a barbarian".[18] According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Hellene differed from a barbarian in four ways: refined language, education, religion and the rule of law.[19] Greek education became identified with noble upbringing. Saint Paul thought it as his obligation to preach the Gospel to all men, "Hellenes and barbarians, both wise and foolish".[20]

Discrimination between Hellenes and barbarians lasted until the fourth century BC. Euripides thought it plausible that Hellenes should rule over barbarians, because the first were destined for freedom and the other for slavery.[21] Aristotle came to the conclusion that "the nature of a barbarian and a slave is one and the same".[22] Racial differentiation faded away through the teachings of Stoics, who distinguished between nature and convention and taught that all men have equal claim before God and thus by nature cannot be unequal to each other. In time, Hellene, to use the words of Isocrates, became a trait of intellect, not race.

Alexander the Great's conquests consolidated Greek influence in the east by exporting Greek culture into Asia and permanently transformed education and society in the region. Isocrates declared in his speech Panegyricus: "So far has Athens left the rest of mankind behind in thought and expression that her pupils have become the teachers of the world, and she has made the name of Hellas distinctive no longer of race but of intellect, and the title of Hellene a badge of education rather than of common descent."[23] With a small reformation, the Hellenistic civilization is the evolution of classical Greek civilization into a civilization with global proportions, this time open to everybody. Similarly, Hellene evolved from a national name signifying an ethnic Greek to a cultural term signifying anybody who conducted his life according to Greek mores.

Greeks (Γραικοί) and Yunani (Ίωνες)

Soleto is one of the nine Greek-speaking towns in the province of Apulia, Italy. Their inhabitants are descendants of the first wave of Greek settlers in Italy and Sicily in the 8th century BC. The dialect they speak hails from Doric Greek of the original settlers, but evolved separately from Hellenistic Greek. The people of these town call themselves Grekos, from the Latin Graecus, and consider themselves Hellenes.

The modern English word Greek derives from Latin Graecus, which in turn comes from Greek Γραικός (Graikos), the name of a Boeotian tribe that migrated to Italy in the 8th century BC, and it is by that name the Hellenes were known by in the West. Homer, while reciting the Boeotian forces in the Iliad's Catalogue of Ships, provides the first known reference to a Boeotian city named Graea,[24] and Pausanias mentions that Graea was the name of the ancient city of Tanagra.[25] Cumae, a city lying to the west of Neapolis and south of Rome, was founded by Cymaeans and Chalkideans as well as Graeans who by coming into contact with Romans may very well be responsible for naming all Hellenic speaking tribes Graeci. The modern Italian city of Grai was also founded in antiquity by Graeans.

Aristotle, our oldest source mentioning the word, states that a natural cataclysm swept across central Epirus, a land where its inhabitants used to be called γραικοί (Graeci) (Γραικοί) and were later named Hellenes (Έλληνες).[26] In mythology, Graecus is a cousin of Latinus, and the word seems to be related with γηραιός (geraius, anile), which was the title given to the priests of Dodona. They were also named Σελλοί (Selloi)—which shows the relation between the two basic names of the Greeks. The dominant theory on the colonization of Italy has it that part of the people living in Epirus crossed Dodona and migrated to Phthia, becoming infamous as Hellenes the tribe Achilles lead to Troy. The remaining part merged with other tribes that arrived later, without losing its name. From there they traveled westwards to Italy, before the first wave of colonists in the 8th century BC arrived at Sicily and southern Italy.

A wholly different term came to establish itself in the East. The ancient peoples of the Middle East refered to the Hellenes as Yunan, deriving from from Persian Yauna, itself a loan of Greek Ιωνία (Ionia), the western coast of Asia Minor. It is by affiliation with the Ionian tribe the Persians conquered in the late 6th century BC that their name extended to all Hellenes. All peoples under Persian influence adopted the term, and it is from this root that Sanskrit Yavana derives, which one encounters in ancient Sanskrit sources, first attested in Panini's grammar, and later referring, together with Pali Yona, Yonaka to the Indo-Greeks. The term Yunan is used in modern Turkish, Hindi (युनान), Indonesian and Malay.

Distortion in the meaning of "Hellene"

The name Hellene acquired a wholly religious meaning in the first Christian centuries and retained it until the end of the millennium, during which the Roman Catholic Church played an instrumental role in accelerating the transition. Contact with Judaism was critical, since it was interaction with Christians that passed along the religious differentiation of men. Hebrews, like Greeks, distinguished themselves from foreigners, but unlike Greeks, did so according to religious rather than cultural standards.

The domination of the Greeks by Rome enhanced the prestige of the religious institutions that remained intact. Just as the Greeks considered all uncivilized men barbarians, so did the Hebrews consider all pagans to be goyim (infidels; literally, "nations"). That religious differentiation of man was adopted by the early Christians, and to that end, the formerly cultural meaning of the word Hellene became marginalized by its religious element, which eventually supplanted the older meaning entirely. Thereafter, Christians came to refer to all pagans as Hellenes.

Saint Paul in his Epistles uses Hellene almost always in association with Hebrew possibly with the aim of representing the sum of those two religious communities.[27] Hellene is used in a religious meaning for the first time in the New Testament. In the Gospel of Mark a woman arrives before Jesus kneeling before him: "The woman was a Hellene, a Syrophenician by nation; and she besought him that he would cast forth the devil out of her daughter."[28] Since the nationality or ethnicity of the woman was Syrophenician, Greek (translated as such into English) must therefore signify her religion. The development towards a purely religious meaning was slow and completed at approximately the 2nd or 3rd century AD. Athenian statesman Aristeides picked out the Hellenes as one of the representative pagan peoples of the world along with the Egyptians and the Chaldaeans.[29] Later, Clement of Alexandria reports an unknown Christian writer who named all of the above Hellenes and spoke of two old nations and one new: the Christian nation.[30]

Several books written at this time demonstrate quite clearly the semantic shift. Perhaps the first was Tatian's "Address to the Greeks", completed in AD 170, where Tatian criticizes pagan beliefs in order to defend Christian ones. Most important of the later works was Athanasius' "Against Hellenes", originally titled "Against Pagans" according to older manuscripts. It was changed by a future writer at a time when Hellene had lost its ancient meaning entirely. Henceforth, Hellene no longer signified an ethnic Greek or those adhered to Greek culture, but pagans in general, regardless of race. Emperor Julian's attempt to restore paganism to the forefront of society failed, and according to Pope Gregory I, "matters moved in favor of Christianity and the position of the Hellenes was severely aggravated".[31] Half a century later Christians protest against the Eparch of the Alexandria, whom they accused of being a Hellene.[32] Theodosius I initiated the first legal steps against paganism, but it was Justinian's legal reforms that triggered pagan persecutions on a massive scale. The Corpus Juris Civilis contained two statutes which decreed the total destruction of Hellenism, even in the civic life, and were zealously enforced even of men in high position. The official suppresion of paganism made non-Christians a public threat which further derogated the meaning of Hellene. Paradoxically, Tribonian, Justinian's own legal commissioner, according to the Suda dictionary, was a Hellene (pagan)[33].

Romans (Ρωμαίοι)

Hieronymus Wolf was a 16th-century German historian. He created Byzantine historiography for the purpose of distinguishing medieval Greek from ancient Roman history.

Romans (Ρωμαίοι) is the name by which the Greeks were known during the Middle Ages and remains today the most popular Greek ethnonym, after Hellene. The Constitutio Antoniniana in 212 AD provided the means for integration by extending Roman citizenship in all provinces, and by the time Christianization in the empire was underway the religious vitiation of the name Hellene was complete. It is during that period the Greeks in the empire adopted the Roman name, since their former one had lost all of its national significance. So while the Roman Empire was being Hellenized, the name of the Greeks was being Romanized.

The foreign borrowed name initially had a more political than national meaning, which went hand in hand with the universalizing ideology of Rome that aspired to encompass all nations of the world under one true God. Up until the early 7th century, when the Empire still extended over large areas and many peoples, the use of the name Roman always indicated citizenship and never descent. Various ethnicities could apply their own ethnonyms or toponyms to disambiguate citizenship from genealogy, which is why the historian Procopius prefers to call the Byzantines Hellenized Romans[34], while other authors use Romhellenes and Graecoromans[35], aiming to indicate descent and citizenship simultaneously. The Lombard and Arab invasions in the same century resulted in the loss of most of the provinces including Italy and all of Asia, save for Anatolia. The areas that did remain were mostly Greek, thereby turning the empire into a much more cohesive unit that eventually developed a fairly self-conscious identity. Unlike in the previous centuries, there is a clear sense of nationalism reflected in Byzantine documents towards the end of the first millennium AD.

The Byzantines' failure to protect the Pope from the Lombards forced the Pope to search for help elsewhere. The man who answered his call was Pepin II of Aquitaine, whom he had named "Patrician," a title that caused a serious conflict. In 772, Rome ceased commemorating the emperor that first ruled from Constantinople, and in 800 Charlemagne was crowned Roman emperor by the Pope himself, officially rejecting Byzantines as true Romans. According to the Frankish interpretation of events, the papacy appropriately "transferred Roman imperial authority from the Greeks to the Germans, in the name of His Greatness, Charles".[36] From then on, a war of names revolved around Roman imperial rights. Unable to deny that an emperor did exist in Constantinople, they sufficed in renouncing him as an successor of Roman heritage on the grounds that Greeks have nothing to do with Roman legacy. Pope Nicholas I wrote to Emperor Michael III, "You ceased to be called 'Emperor of the Romans,' since the Romans whom you claim to be Emperor of, are in fact according to you barbarians".[37]

Henceforth, the emperor in the East was known and referred to as Emperor of the Greeks and their land as Greek Empire, reserving both "Roman" titles reserved for the Frankish king. The interests of both sides were nominal rather than actual. No land areas were ever claimed, but the insult the Byzantines took on the accusation demonstrates how close at heart the Roman name (ρωμαίος) had become to them. In fact, Bishop Cremon Liutprand, a delegate of the Frankish court, was briefly imprisoned in Constantinople for not referring to the Roman emperor by his appropriate title.[38] His imprisonment was a reprisal for the re-establishment of the Holy Roman Empire by his king, Otto I.

Byzantines (Βυζαντινοί)

By the time of the fall of Rome most easterners had come to think themselves as Christians, and, more than ever before, had some idea that they were Romans. Although they may not have liked their government any more than they had previously, the Greeks among them could no longer consider it foreign, run by Latins from Italy. The word Hellene itself had already began to mean a pagan rather than a person of Greek race or culture. Instead the usual word for an eastern Greek had begun to be Roman, whith the contemporary rendering of Byzantine.[39]

The term "Byzantine Empire" was invented in 1557, about a century after the fall of Constantinople by German historian Hieronymus Wolf, who introduced a system of Byzantine historiography in his work Corpus Historiae Byzantinae in order to distinguish ancient Roman from medieval Greek history without drawing attention to their ancient predecessors. Several authors adopted his terminology thereafter but remained relatively unknown. When interest did arise, English historians preferred to use Roman terminology (Edward Gibbon used it in a particularly belittling manner); while French historians preferred to call it Greek.[40] The term reappeared in the mid-19th century and has since dominated completely in historiography, even in Greece despite objections by Constantine Paparregopoulos (Gibbon's influential Greek counterpart) that the empire should be called Greek. Few Greek scholars did adopt the terminology at that time, but only became popular in the second half of the 20th century.[41]

Revival in the meaning of "Hellene"

The Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople, by Eugène Delacroix, 1840. The sack of Constantinople in 1206 by the Crusaders acerbated Greek nationalism and created disdain for the Latins which is well illustrated in the documents of the era. Nicetas Choniates portrays an especially lively account of the sack and its aftermath.

The secular use of Hellene revived in the 9th century, after paganism had been eclipsed and was no longer a threat to Christianity's dominance. The revival followed the same track as its disappearance. The name had originally declined from a national term in antiquity, to a cultural term in the Hellenistic years, to a religious term in the early Christian years. With the demise of paganism and the revival of learning in the Byzantine Empire re-gained its cultural term, and finally, by the 11th century it had returned to its ancient national form of an ethnic Greek, synonymous at the time to Roman.

The re-founding of the University of Constantinople in the palaces of Magnaura promoted an interest in learning, particularly in Greek studies. Patriarch Photius was irritated because "Hellenic studies are preferred over spiritual works". Michael Psellus the Younger thought it a compliment when Emperor Romanus III praised him for being raised "in the Hellenic way" and a weakness for Emperor Michael IV for being completely devoid of a Hellenic education[42], while Anna Comnena claimed that she had "carried the study of Hellenic to the highest pitch"[43]. Also, commenting on the orphanage her father founded, she stated that "there could be seen a Latin being trained, and a Scythian studying Hellenic, and a Roman handling Hellenic texts and an illiterate Hellene speaking Hellenic correctly".[44] In this case we reach a point where the Byzantines are Romans in the political level but Hellenic by descent. Eustathius of Thessalonike disambiguates the distinction in his account of the fall of Constantintople in 1204 by referring to the invaders with the generic term Latins, encompassing all adherents to the Roman Catholic Church, and the Hellenes as the dominant population of the empire.[45]

After the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders, Greek nationalism accentuated. Nicetas Choniates insisted on using the name Hellenes, stressing the outrages of the Latins against the Hellenes in Peloponessus and how the Alfeios River might carry the news to the barbarians in Sicily, the Normans.[46] Niciphorus Blemmydes referred to the Byzantine emperors as Hellenes[47], and Theodore Alanias wrote in a letter to his brother that "the homeland may have been captured, but Hellas still exists within every wise man".[48] The second Emperor of Nicaea, John III Ducas Vatatzes, wrote in a letter to Pope Gregory IX about the wisdom that "rains upon the Hellenic nation". He maintained that the transfer of the imperial authority from Rome to Constantinople was national and not geographic, and therefore did not belong to the Latins occupying Constantinople: Constantine's heritage was passed on to the Hellenes, so he argued, and they alone were its inheritors and successors.[49] His son, Theodore II Lascaris, was eager to project the name of the Greeks with true nationalistic zeal. He made it a point that "the Hellenic race looms over all other languages" and that "every kind of philosophy and form of knowledge is a discovery of Hellenes... What do you, O Italian, have to display?"[50]

The evolution of the name was slow and never did replace the Roman name completely. Nicephorus Gregoras named his historical work Roman History.[51] Emperor John VI Cantacuzenus, a big supporter of Greek education, in his own memoirs always refers to the Byzantines as Romans[52], yet, in a letter sent by the Sultan of Egypt, Nasser Hassan Ben Mohamed, referred to him as "Emperor of the Hellenes, Bulgars, Asanians, Blachs, Russians, Alanians" but not of the "Romans".[53] Over the next century, George Gemistus Plethon pointed out to Constantine Palaeologus that the people he leads are "Hellenes, as their race and language and education testifies"[54], while Laonicus Chalcondyles was an proponent of completely substituting "Roman" terminology for "Greek" terminology.[55] Constantine Palaeologus himself in the end proclaimed Constantinople the "refugee for Christians, hope and delight of all Hellenes".[56]

Contest between Hellenes, Romans, and Greeks

After the fall of the Byzantine Empire and during the Ottoman occupation a fierce ideological battle ensued between the three national rival names of the Greeks. A struggle that may have settled down after the Greek War of Independence but was permanently resolved only recently in the 20th century after the loss of Asia Minor to the Turks.

The struggle reflected the diverging view of history between classicists and medievalists (katharevousa and demotic) in their attempt to define Greek nationality at a time without a Byzantine state to foster the movement. The concept of Hellene for a person of Greek origin was already well established since the late middle ages, but for the majority of the population, especially those in rural areas away from urban centers, the dominant perception was still that of a Roman, a descendant of the Byzantine Empire. Scholar Rigas Feraios called "Bulgars and Arvanites, Armenians and Romans" to rise in arms against the Ottomans[57]. General Makrygiannis recalled a friend asking him: "What say you, is the Roman far away from coming? Are we to sleep with the Turks and awaken with the Romans?"[58]

Greek (Γραικός) was the least popular of the three terms, but interestingly enough received by scholars disproportionately larger attention compared to its popular use. Adamantios Korais, a renown Greek classicist, justified his preference in "A Dialogue between Two Greeks": "Our ancestors used to call themselves Greeks but adopted afterwards the name Hellenes by a Greek who called himself Hellene. One of the above two, therefore, is our true name. I approved 'Greece' because that is what all the enlightened nations of Europe call us."[59] Hellenes for Korais are the pre-Christian inhabitants of Greece.

The absence of a Byzantine state gradually lead to the marginalization of the Roman name and allowed Hellene (Έλλην) to resurface as the primary national name. Dionysius Pyrrus requests the exclusive use of Hellene in his "Cheiragogy": "Never desire to call yourselves Romans, but Hellenes, for the Romans from ancient Rome enslaved and destroyed Hellas".[60] The anonymous author of "The Hellenic Realm of Law", published in 1806 in Pavia, Italy, speaks of Hellenes: "The time has come, O Hellenes, to liberate our home".[61] The leader of the Greek War of Independence began his Declaration with a phrase similar to the above: "The time has come, O men, Hellenes".[62] After the name was accepted by the spiritual and political leadership of the land, it rapidly spread to the population, especially with the onset of the Greek War of Independence where many naïve leaders and war figures distinguished between idle Romans and rebelious Hellenes.[63] General Theodoros Kolokotronis in particular made a point of always addressing his revolutionary troops as Hellenes and invariably wore an Ancient-Greek-style helmet.

A map of Greece issued after the Treaty of Sevres. The Greek Great Idea guided foreign policy from the late 19th to early 20th century and briefly materialized in 1920 when the Greek-speaking territories of western Asia Minor were ceded over from Turkey.

General Makrygiannis tells of a priest who performed his duty in front of the "Romans" (civilians) but secretly spied on the "Hellenes" (fighters). "Roman" almost came to be associated with passiveness and enslavement, and "Hellene" brought back the memory of ancient glories and the fight for freedom. Eyewitness historian Ambrosius Phrantzes writes that while the Turkish authorities and colonists in Xylokastro had surrendered to the advancing Greek army, reportedly, shouts of defiance made that lead to their massacre by the mob: "They spoke to the petty and small Hellenes as 'Romans'. It was as if they called them 'slaves'! The Hellenes not bearing to hear the word, for it reminded of their situation and the outcome of tyranny..."[64]

The citizens of the newly independent state were called "Hellenes" making the connection with ancient Greece all the more clear. That in turn though also fostered a fixation to antiquity and negligence for the other periods of history, especially the Byzantine Empire, for an age that bore different names and was a devisor to different, and in many ways more important legacies. The classicist trend was soon balanced by the Greek Great Idea that sought to recover Constantinople and reestablish the Byzantine Empire for all Greeks. As the Minister of Foreign Affairs proclaimed in front of Parliament in 1844, "The Kingdom of Greece is not Greece; it is only part of it, a small and poor part of Greece... There are two great centers of Hellenism. Athens is the capital of the Kingdom. Constantinople is the great capital, the City, dream and hope of all Greeks."[65]

References

1. Excluding his Catalogue of Ships
   
2. Homer, "Iliad", book 2, 681-685
   
3. Antonis Hatzis, "Helle, Hellas, Hellene", pg.128-161, Athens, 1935
   
4. Homer, "Iliad", book 16, 233-235
   
5. Claudius Ptolemy, "Geographica", 3, 15
   
6. Aristotle, "Meteorologica, I, 352b"
   
7. Pausanias, "Description of Greece", 10, 7, 3
   
8. Thucydides, "Histories", I, 132
   
9. For example, King Alcon and King Tharypas of Mollosus, Alexander I and Archelaus of Macedonia
   
10. Thucydides, "History", II, 68, 5 and III, 97, 5
    
11. Thucydides, "History", II, 68, 9 and II, 80, 5 and I, 47, 3
    
12. Thucydides, "History", II, 80, 5
    
13. J. Juthner, "Hellenen and Barbaren", Leipzig, 1928, pp.4
    
14. Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd Edition, 1989, "barbarous" (entry)
    
15. Polybius, "History", 9, 38, 5; see also Strabo, "Geographica", 7, 7, 4; see also Herodotus, "Histories", book I, 56 and book VI, 127 and book VIII, 43
    
16. Herodotus, "Histories", book II, 158
    
17. Aristophanes, "The Birds", 199
    
18. Aristophanes, "The Clouds", 492
    
19. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, "Roman Archaeology", 1, 89, 4
    
20. Saint Paul, "Epistle to the Romans", 1, 14
    
21. Euripides, "Iphigeneia at Aulis", 1400
    
22. Aristotle, "Republic", I, 5
    
23. Isocrates, "Panegyricus", 50
    
24. Homer, "Iliad", II, 498
    
25. Pausanias, "Boeotics and Phocaeic, book 5, pp. 136
    
26. Aristotle, "Meteorologica, I, 352a"
    
27. Saint Paul, "Acts of the Apostles", 13, 48 & 15, 3 & 7, 12
    
28. New Testament, "Gospel of Mark", 7, 26
    
29. Aristides, "Apology"
    
30. Clement of Alexandria, "Miscellanies", 6, 5, 41
    
31. Pope Gregory, "Against Julian", 1, 88
    
32. Socrates, "Ecclesiastical History", 7, 14
    
33. Suda dictionary, entry τ (t)
    
34. Procopius, "Gothic war", 3, 1 & "Vandal war", 1, 21
    
35. Lambru, "Palaeologeia and Peloponnesiaka", 3, 152
    
36. Pope Innocent, "Decretalium", "Romanourm imperium in persona magnifici Caroli a Grecis transtuli in Germanos.",
    
37. Epistola 86, of year 865, PL 119, 926
    
38. Liutprand, "Antapodosis"
    
39. Warren Treadgold, "History of the Byzantine State and Society", pp.136, 1997, Stanford
    
40. Edward Gibbon "Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire", Alexandre Rambeau, "L'empire Grecque au X'siecle"
    
41. Ρωμαίος (Roman) remained a massively popular name for a Greek in Greece even after the foundation of the modern Greek state in 1829. Anastasius Eftaliotes, published his history of Greece series in 1901 under the title "History of Romanity", reflecting how well rooted Roman heritage was in Greeks, as late as the 20th century.
    
42. Romanus III, "Towards the son of Romanus himself", p.49
    
43. Anna Comnena, "Alexiad", prologue 1
    
44. Anna Comnena, "Alexiad", 15, 7
    
45. Espugnazione di Thessalonica, pp.32, Palermo 1961
    
46. Nicetas Choniates, "The Sack of Constantinople", 9 ’¦Å, Bonn, pp.806
    
47. Nicephorus Blemmydes, "Pertial narration", 1, 4
    
48. Theodore Alanias, "PG 140, 414"
    
49. John Vatatzes, "Unpublished Letters of Emperor John Vatatzes", Athens I, pp.369 - 378, (1872)
    
50. Theodore Lascaris, "Christian Theology", 7,7 & 8
    
51. Nicephorus Gregoras, "Roman History"
    
52. John Catacuzenus, "History", 4, 14
    
53. Similar texts were composited by the scribes of the Kings in the north, e.g. of Russia, Poland, Lithuania...
    
54. George Gemistus Plethon, "Paleologeia and Peloponessiaka", pp.247
    
55. Laonicus Chalcondyles, "History I", 6 ’¦Å’¦Å
    
56. George Phrantzes, "History", 3,6
    
57. Rigas Feraios, "Thurius", line 45
    
58. Strategus Makrygiannis, "Memoirs", book 1, pp.117, Athens, 1849
    
59. Adamantios Korais, "Dialogue between two Greeks", pp.37, Venice, 1805
    
60. Dionysius Pyrrhus, "Cheiragogy", Venice, 1810
    
61. Hellenic Prefecture, pp. 191, Athens, 1948
    
62. Ioannou Philemonus, "Essay", book 2, pp.79
    
63. Ioannis Kakrides, "Ancient Greeks and Greeks of 1821", Thessalonike, 1956
    
64. Ambrosius Phrantzes, "Abridged history of a revived Greece", pp.398, Athens, 1839
    
65. Markezines, "Political History of Modern Greece", book A, pp.208, Athens
    

Bibliography

Steven Runciman, "Byzantine and Hellene in the 14th century"

John Romanides, "Romanity, Romania, Rum", Thessalonike, 1974

A. Rambeau, "L'empire Grecque au X' siecle"

Non-English bibliography

Antonios Hatzis, "Elle, Hellas, Hellene", Athens, 1935-1936

J. Juthner, "Hellenen und Barbaren", Leibzeg, 1923

Basso Mustakidou, "The words Hellene, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Ottoman, Turk", Tybigge, 1920

Ioannis Kakrides, "Ancient Greeks and Greeks of 1821", Athens, 1956

Panagiotis Christou, "The Adventures of the National Names of the Greeks", Thessalonike, 1964